8chan/8kun QResearch Posts (2)
#9098280 at 2020-05-09 20:37:46 (UTC+1)
Q Research General #11646: Pepe Holding The Line Edition
Potus has said on numerous occasions that something is "stone cold." There must be something to that terminology for him to use it so often. Brings to mind Cold Stone Creamery which started in Arizona and has spread apparently world wide. Since governor Doug Ducey of AZ (who changed his name to Ducey from Roscoe) was connected to Cold Stone Creamery as recently as 2007, perhaps there is some connection. Cold Stone Creamery is now owned by MTY Food Group founded by Stanley Ma (Canadian but born in Hong Kong). Wonder if he is related to Jack Ma of Alibaba fame. Chinese connection. Just spitballin'.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MTY_Food_Group
#2742315 at 2018-08-26 13:49:43 (UTC+1)
Q Research General #3463: Ebake
>>2742297
Stanley Ma (Chink turned Canadian) owns MTY Food Group, which owns Cold Stone Creamery - based in Scottsdale, Arizona. MTY is a 2 billion revenue company, which stands to LOSE BIGLY.
8chan/8kun QResearch SOUTH AFRICA Posts (1)
#19505794 at 2023-09-07 13:36:05 (UTC+1)
Q Research South Africa #11: Diamonds, Gold, and War Edition
>>19482589
>He said the idea to form (COPE) was "opportunistic" and included "mobilising people on tribal lines, Xhosanostra".
"THE TRUTH ABOUT THE XHOSA NOSTRA" [1997] - Part 1
https://hsf.org.za/publications/focus/issue-8-third-quarter-1997/the-truth-about-the-xhosa-nostra
Excerpts
LARGELY BECAUSE OF THE EARLY SPREAD OF MISSIONARY ACTIVITY IN THE EASTERN CAPE, XHOSA-SPEAKERS GAINED AN ADVANTAGE.
Largely because of the earlier spread of missionary activity in the Eastern Cape the Xhosa-speakers of the area gained an educational edge over other black groups, a factor which also helped the Xhosa elite take the political lead on several fronts. By the late 1980s it was not unusual in some quarters to hear South African politics described (wrongly) as a struggle between Buthelezi's Zulus and the Xhosa ANC.
Famously, all three of the ANC's ruling troika of Mandela, Tambo and Sisulu were Xhosas, as were the party's two rising stars, Thabo Mbeki and Chris Hani. Similar head-counting in the contemporary sports world, ranging from the minister of sport through the national sports council and the rugby, soccer and Olympic committees, has led to much talk of a Xhosa Nostra.
In fact, all of this is too simple. It is true that the IFP is an overwhelmingly Zulu party, but it has the support of not much more than half the Zulus of KwaZulu-Natal and less still outside the province. The ANC Manifestly contains Many other groups besides Xhosas and in any case the PAC also takes its roots from the Xhosa-speakers of the Eastern Cape, a fact which has sometimes produced bloody conflicts there between the two parties. It would, of course, be foolish to pretend that ethnic and clan politics are wholly without significance in any African country, South Africa included. Recent conflicts within the PAC have a clearly ethnic base with some Eastern Cape branches refusing to accept the replacement as party president of Clarence Makwetu, a Xhosa, by Bishop Stanley Magoba, a Tswana. Similarly, there is audible muttering within the ANC about the predominance of Ngunis (effectively, Xhosas and Zulus) and Asians within the Cabinet.
Strikingly, however, the survey also showed that in the Xhosa heartland of the Eastern Cape it was the dissident figure of Bantu Holomisa who emerged as the voters' leading presidential choice (with 25 per cent support).
The ANC was sufficiently rattled by this finding to mount a propaganda campaign against Holomisa, distributing in enormous numbers a special pamphlet aimed at destroying the general's reputation among the party faithful. For what our survey had revealed was that the ANC's great voter bastion of the Eastern Cape was now deeply divided and that Holomisa had also picked up substantial support among the Xhosa population living in the huge squatter camps around Cape Town. The effect was to focus attention as never before on the Xhosa vote.